TAIWAN INDEPENDENCE

Since the publication of the 1991 Guidelines of National Unification, the ROC government officials from the Kuomintang (KMT) and the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) have issued documents and have made official as well as unofficial announcements that indicate to the PRC officials that they are positioning themselves for an eventual movement toward independence. The DPP initiated movement toward independence with the publication of its 1986 platform. But, as early as 1992, the KMT also developed policies that appeared to the mainland China officials to be movements toward a position where they could declare independence. These include, among other activities, a 1992 campaign to reenter the United Nations, its promotion in 1994 of the concept of "one country, two political entities (一个国家，两个政治实体), as well as the speech given by Lee Teng-hui at Cornell in which he used the term "Republic of China" more than fifteen times. The PRC officials reacted strongly to these developments, including postponing all formal negotiations and discussions. Furthermore, the PRC authorities started to pay attention to the concept of "One China", including its definition.

Strait Talk, Chapter Five: The Issues

Background on Taiwan Independence

From the time of the 1991 Guidelines for National Unification, Taiwan has issued documents and made official and unofficial pronouncements by key leaders that clearly indicate to the Chinese that they are positioning themselves for eventual independence.

At first the desire for independence only showed up in the statements of opposition party factions: at that time the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP). But as early as 1992 the incumbent Nationalist Party (KMT), began to develop policies that seemed to China to be designed to move Taiwan into a position where they could ultimately declare independence and this became an important sub-issue for China.

In the summer of 1992 Taiwan began its campaign to re-enter the United Nations, a political body for which the entry criteria is based on state sovereignty. In 1994, Taiwan began to promote the notions of “one country, two political entities” (一个国家，两个政治实体) and state to state negotiations and since these concepts were not designed to describe the ultimate goal of unification, but the period of time before negotiations began, they appeared to China to be part of a plot to move toward splitting the country.

Talks between the two sides began in 1991 and since that time have been seriously interrupted twice because of what China perceived as movement toward independence. The first time was when Taiwan’s President Lee Tenghui visited his alma mater, Cornell University, in New York from June 8 to 10, 1995. He was asked to give the commencement speech. During the speech Lee used the term “Republic of China” seventeen times. He described the “Taiwan experience” and Identified Taiwan as different from China, particularly in the democratization process. This was the point at which Chinese leaders and scholars perceived Lee’s real purpose to be Taiwan independence. They reacted strongly by recalling their Ambassador to the U.S. and canceling several official visits. They also “postponed” all formal negotiations and discussions. No substantive meetings occurred for over three years. From this point on, China began to pay more attention to definitions, actions and discussions of “one China.”

Nineteen ninety-nine was a critical year in cross strait relations. The Taiwan side began to consolidate its notion of state-to-state relations. On April 8, President Lee made a major speech to his National Unification Council to provide guidelines for future endeavors. In the speech he stated:

The development of cross strait relations should begin from recognition of the historical fact and political reality of separate rule by two distinct but equal political entities.

While promoting cross-strait relations, we must not waver in our stance of giving top priority to national existence, as well as placing the people's safety and welfare foremost.

A major step perceived by China was the publication of President Lee Tenghui’s autobiography: Taiwan’s Viewpoints on May 20, 1999. Even though President Lee had made statements that could be interpreted as pro-independence in the past, this was the point at which it became clear to the Chinese that even the Nationalist Party was preparing for independence in indirect ways.

Dr. Yan Xuetong then of the prestigious and influential China Institute for Contemporary International Relations, outlined five relatively sophisticated strategies for movement toward independence that appeared in Lee’s book: (1) develop a sense of nationalism or national identity, (2) highlight the notion of state sovereignty,
(3) change history to describe Taiwan as a separate country rather than part of China, (4) promote the idea of the Republic of China on Taiwan in the international arena, and (5) pursue some form of military alliance with the United States.

President Lee at one point also suggested splitting China into seven parts to make it more manageable.

The next major breach by President Lee, from China’s perspective, was on July 9, 1999 when he was interviewed by a German reporter. In that interview he stated:

The 1991 constitutional amendments have designated cross-strait relations as a state-to-state relationship or at least a special state-to-state relationship, rather than an internal relationship between a legitimate government and a renegade group, or between a central government and a local government.

Not only did President Lee and the incumbent party appear to China to be moving toward independence, the opposition Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) also gained a strong voice in the run-up to the 2000 presidential election. The DPP published three major documents that clearly indicated their goal of Taiwan independence. The first, in May, was the Resolution on the Future of Taiwan passed by the DPP Congress. The second article of the Resolution made the DPP position very clear:

II. Proclamation

1. Taiwan is a sovereign and independent country. Any change in the independent status quo must be decided by all the residence of Taiwan by means of plebiscite.

2. Taiwan is not a part of the People's Republic of China. China's unilateral advocacy of the "One China Principle" and "One Country Two Systems" is fundamentally inappropriate for Taiwan.

3. Taiwan should expand its role in the international community, seek international recognition, and pursue the goal of entry into the United Nations and other international organizations.

4. Taiwan should renounce the "One China" position to avoid international confusion and to prevent the position's use by China as a pretext for annexation by force.

5. Taiwan should promptly complete the task of incorporating plebiscite into law in order to realize the people's rights. In time of need, it can be relied on to
establish consensus of purpose, and allow the people to express their will.

6. Taiwan's government and opposition forces must establish bi-partisan consensus on foreign policy, integrating limited resources, to face China's aggression and ambition.

7. Taiwan and China should engage in comprehensive dialogue to seek mutual understanding and economic cooperation. Both sides should build a framework for long-term stability and peace.

The resolution introduced the idea that part of the strategy to realize independence would be through a "plebiscite." Generally a "plebiscite" is a request for the citizens to approve a government action or decree while a "referendum" asks for a direct vote on an issue by the population before it is formalized by the government. After the DPP gained power in 2000 they began to talk more in terms of referendum.

The second major document was entitled White Paper on Foreign Policy for the 21st Century issued on November 28, 1999. This is a very sophisticated analysis of the world situation that stresses the changed nature of nation-state sovereignty. It rationalizes why Taiwan should continue, indeed increase, its international activity in the new world of global interdependence. It even suggests that a major goal should be to desensitize China to its efforts to be more active in the international arena.

Two days later, on November 30 1999, the DPP issued a White Paper on China Policy for the 21st Century. The paper narrowly focused on the relationship with China. It included the following statements:

Taiwan is a nation with independent sovereignty, named as The Republic of China
in accordance with the current Constitution.

Taiwan is not a part of The People's Republic of China.

Taiwan and the People's Republic of China are two nations that do not have mutual
ownership, mutual reign, or mutual jurisdiction.

Under the condition of independent sovereignty and national interest, based on similar
culture and ancestry, the relationship between Taiwan and People's Republic of China
will be more special and closer than with other nations.

The direction of the special relations between the two nations and any decision to
change the current status must have the consent of the people of Taiwan.

The 1999 events, culminating with the German interview, became too much for China and for the second time it stopped the cross strait negotiations process.

The next major step in Taiwan’s behavior that appeared to be movement toward independence was the election of the Democratic Progressive Party’s Chen Shuibian on March 18, 2000. Taiwan independence was a major DPP policy a described above. The DPP has learned how to promote Taiwan independence subtly rather than as a direct issue in the election campaign. In Chen’s inaugural speech he downplayed movement toward independence acknowledging Taiwan’s Chinese heritage and by introducing the "five no’s." He stated:

The people across the Taiwan Strait share the same ancestral, cultural, and historical background. While upholding the principles of democracy and parity, building upon the existing foundations, and constructing conditions for cooperation through goodwill, we believe that the leaders on both sides possess enough wisdom and creativity to jointly deal with the question of a future "one China."

I fully understand that as the popularly elected 10th-term President of the Republic of China, I must abide by the Constitution, maintain the sovereignty, dignity and security of our country, and ensure the well-being of all citizens. Therefore, as long as the CCP regime has no intention to use military force against Taiwan, I pledge that during my term in office, I will not declare independence, I will not change the national title, I will not push forth the inclusion of the so-called "state-to-state" description in the Constitution, and I will not promote a referendum to change the status quo in regards to the question of independence or unification. Furthermore, the abolition of the National Reunification Council or the National Reunification Guidelines will not be an issue.

The caveat phrase “as long as the CCP regime has no intention to use military force against Taiwan” has since that time been used by Chen to rationalize the possible abandonment of the five noes pledge. Some have pointed out that the nearly 500 missiles aimed at Taiwan are a clear indication of China’s intent to use military force.

The DPP’s approach has evolved to the point that they believe there is “no need to declare independence because Taiwan is already independent.” They believe that as long as they consider themselves independent and act accordingly they can gradually achieve recognition by others that they are an independent nation.

Taiwan’s position on independence versus unification though is not monolithic. While the DPP has made its position clear, the Kuomintang and People First Party have different positions and those differences emerge in national elections. The KMT and PFP generally seek to find some solution short of total independence, but they both agree that it is still too early to being negotiations on that status.

- Excerpts from Strait Talk, Chapter Five: The Issues

Implications for the Cross-Strait Relationship

The PRC reacts strongly to developments on Taiwan that is perceives are moves toward "Taiwanese independence". lt still pays close attention to the concept of "One China", including its definition and attendant concepts such as the "1992 Consensus", which represents the "One China Principle". In recent years, particularly during the Ma Ying-jeou era (2008-2016), Taiwan's KMT recognized the "1992 Consensus" and followed a "Consensus" status quo policy. The policy tended to keep peace and stability in the Taiwan Strait while promoting cross-strait cooperation, especially economic integration and cultural exchanges.

But the 2016 election brought Taiwan's DPP back in to political power. To date, the Tsai administration has refused to publicly state the phrase "1992 Consensus" which has caused a breakdown in the cross-strait relationship. Furthermore, Tsai's administration actively promotes a "Dynamic" status quo policy. Meaning, the administration pursues policies that support maintaining Taiwan's political separation from the PRC and even moving Taiwan away from the PRC, both culturally and economically. The DPP perceives that Taiwan is already an independent and sovereign country and aims to institute policies in support of that status.

Taiwan independence poses a challenge to U.S. cross-strait policy. The PRC actively opposes Taiwan independence and even passed the Anti-Secession Law that outlines the conditions under which the PRC would resort to the use of force against Taiwan to resolve issues. All three of the conditions mention Taiwan independence. The salient issue for the U.S. is the PRC's perception of "Taiwan independence" activities. For example, the PRC could consider the Tsai administration's continued refusal to publicly state the phrase "1992 Consensus" as movement toward Taiwan independence. If this is the case, it could take aggressive action against Taiwan that could drag the U.S. in to hostilities. The issue of Taiwan independence, because the DPP holds political power, is a source of instability and potential escalation.

Republic of China (ROC Taiwan)

Taiwan Referendum Law (2003)

Additional Articles to the Constitution of the Republic of China (Sixth Revision) (2000)

Constitutional Amendment, Article 2 of the Additional Articles (Second Revision) (1992)

Constitutional Amendment, Article 10 of the Additional Articles (now Article 11) (First Revision) (1991)

Constitutional Amendment, Articles 1 and 4 of the Additional Articles (First Revision) (1991)

Taiwan’s Guidelines for National Unification (1991)

Kuomintang (KMT)

Xi knows unification is futile now: Ma (2016)

Lee Tenghui German Interview (Deutsche Welle) (1999)

Publication of Lee Tenghui's Taiwan Viewpoints (1999)

President Lee Tenghui Address to the National Unification Council (1995)

President Lee Tenghui Cornell Commencement Address (1995)

In accordance with the reality of Taiwan's sovereignty, an independent country should be established and a new constitution drawn up in order to make the legal system conform to the social reality in Taiwan and in order to return to the international community according to the principles of international law.

Democratic Progressive Party Political Platform
(Modified in 1991 and 1995)

Democratic Progressive Party (DPP)

Minister’s speech at UN forum attracts Chinese ire, Taipei Times (December 24, 2017)

‘Nation’ missing on National Day invites: official, Taipei Times (October 01, 2017)

Premier Lai pledges support for president's cross-strait policies, Focus Taiwan News Channel (September 29, 2017)

Premier Lai sees no immediate fallout from pro-independence comment, Focus Taiwan News Channel (September 29, 2017)

Chen Frankfurter Allgemeine Interview (2006)

Chen Updates Cross-Straits “Guidelines” (August 07, 2005)

President Chen Makes a Seven-Point Statement at the Conclusion of a Joint Meeting Responding to New Developments of Cross-Strait Political and Economic Affairs (April 09, 2005)

President Chen's Inaugural Speech "Paving the Way for a Sustainable Taiwan" (2004)

DPP Policy Statement on a New Constitution (2003)

President Chen on "One Country on Each Side" (2002)

President Chen Shui-bian’s Inaugural Speech (2000)

China Policy White Paper (1999)

White Paper on Foreign Policy for the 21st Century (1999)

DPP Resolution on Taiwan's Future (1999)

Views Expressed at the National Development Conference on Cross-Strait Relations (1997)

Political Platform of the Democratic Progressive Party (1986)

United Nations (UN) Campaign

Taiwan will not seek U.N. membership: foreign minister (August 18, 2016)

ROC allies urge expanded UN role for Taiwan (2015)

Seeking Meaningful Participation in the U.N. Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) (2015)

Seeking Observer Status the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) (2014)

Chen Ming-tong warns that the Chinese authorities should face up to the results of the two referendums on joining and returning to the United Nations with a calm and ordinary attitude and not take reckless action! (2008)

UN Bid: Determined and Pragmatic (2008)

Associated Press Interview with President Chen Shui-bian (2008)

Chen Ming-tong warns that the Chinese authorities should face up to the results of the two referendums on joining and returning to the United Nations with a calm and ordinary attitude and not take reckless action! (2008)

MAC: The United States should respect and understand that the Taiwanese people support the UN referendum (2007)

Minister of Foreign Affairs Fredrick Chien: Setting Priorites (1995)

Foreign Minister Frederic Chien: In Search of Fairness (1995)

Taiwan's Bid to Gain Parallel Representation at the U.N.(1993)

Statements & Surveys

Tainan mayor reaffirms pro-independence stance, Focus Taiwan News Channel (June 23, 2017)

Majority favors maintaining cross-strait status quo: survey, Focus Taiwan News Channel (June 20, 2017)

People's Republic of China (PRC)

Taiwan is part of the sacred territory of the People's Republic of China. It is the inviolable duty of all Chinese people, including our compatriots in Taiwan, to accomplish the great task of reunifying the motherland.

- Preamble, Constitution of the
People's Republic of China
(1982)

Xi Jinping Administration (2012-)

Hu Jintao Administration (2003-2012)

Jiang Zemin Administration (1993-2002)

United States of America (U.S.)

The United States (1) would "oppose" Taiwan independence, (2) would not support "two Chinas," or "one China and one Taiwan; and (3) would not support Taiwan's admission to the United Nations.

- President Clinton's Secret Letter to Jiang Zemin
"The Three Noes"

PRC, TAIWAN, U.S. RELATIONS: TAIWAN INDEPENDENCE

​TAIWAN INDEPENDENCE